- 94 Chin NGO Director, Interview by the author, Yangon, January 2011.
“Today what people are not happy with is injustice. There is an institutional collapse of morality. Bribery and corruption are everywhere. People are not happy with the education system; they do not want the students to bribe their teachers anymore. There is the need for a ‘re-moralisation’ and justice in the society”.94
1
After the previous analysis of NGOs’ main characteristics and history, this section will explore their modalities of interactions with the government as well as their capacity to influence it at local, regional and national levels.
- 95 See Monique SKIDMORE, Karaoke, Fascism, Burma and the politics of fear, University of Pennsylvania (...)
2
Since the mid nineties, NGOs have provided a venue for individuals who find themselves in disagreement with the political, economic and social systems in place and have decided to engage in activities beyond the state’s authority to bring about what they consider as positive changes. Instead of tackling issues in a confrontational manner with the regime, they decided to use alternative methods to influence policies. In rural townships where the surveillance was high and activities are almost systematically reported to the military intelligence, it meant working on non-threatening sectors to constantly appear docile and compliant with government rules.95 In remote and cease-fire areas where the local armed groups have political legitimacy, NGOs are often close to, or affiliated with these armed groups who provide them with authorisations to operate. In the areas that are still administrated by the central government, although armed groups can be still very influential, NGO employees sometimes acknowledged the buffer role they had to play, dealing with diplomacy with each of the sides. Even then, NGOs remain cautious not to appear one sided to the government. In states with cease-fires, they generally implement activities in both administration areas. 3
It has been critical for NGOs to be perceived by the highest authorities as not politically involved. Strategies could be diversified, ranging from the use of non-threatening vocabulary, compromising to work in government recommended areas or to get protection from influential individuals. This minimum trust reduces suspicion of political activities and enables NGOs to progressively establish relations with various layers of the Myanmar government. Most of the time, this trust is built purely for strategic reasons and the relations remain unbalanced as, in all the cases, the NGOs are taking the majority of the risks while the government representatives’ favour can change on short notice. In some cases though, authorities also take a risk as officials can be blamed by higher authorities.
- 96 Unexpectedly, during the interviews conducted for this study, it appeared that it was sometimes si (...)
4
During the data collection, a denial, or at least low awareness, of any “agenda” was stated by some interviewees. All agreed to say their NGOs are working to support the neediest. But, political and religious dimensions of their organisation remained vague. For instance, some mid-level employees of NGOs working in the sector of peace-building and mediation between armed groups and the Myanmar Army stated that they had no idea of the political orientation of their organisation. This statement can be partly explained by three factors: the lack of knowledge and understanding; the lack of trust and the fear to speak to an outsider; the organisational culture of operating with a low profile, avoiding the mention of sensitive issues for safety reasons.96 5
Ethnic and religious identity of the organisations could also appear taboo. Several interviewees stated that they had noted that the majority of their colleagues were from the same community or that one ethnic group was over represented. They often verbalised ethnic and religious issues when they were part of a minority within their own organisation and experienced some resentment. In any case, employees are generally not comfortable with discussing the implications of this fact. Most interviewees would avoid mentioning the scarcity of Bamar or Buddhist colleagues. Others would justify the NGO recruitment by the historical background in ethnic areas. In actual fact, only faith-based NGOs recognised religious criteria as part of their recruitment policy.
6
Documenting the long term agendas of the Myanmar NGOs is even more delicate as, in most of the cases, written documents do not exist. NGOs generally do not rely on long term planning. No long manifest on their mandate or mission could be identified. Nonetheless, neither neutral nor genuine, NGOs encompass a myriad of political players with their own road maps, ambitions and rules, those of the politics of silence.
7
In order to understand the scale of NGOs’ power and their social, economic and political areas of influence and its expressions, in the absence of explicit primary sources documentation, examples of outcomes of the NGOs work are presented below. The push factors, risk mitigation strategies, as well as the sources of legitimacy of NGOs will be analysed, taking into account their ethnic, religious and political identities. Then, the examination of the formulated agendas of some of the most powerful NGOs will be presented through case studies, followed by a reflection on the political involvement of some employees, based on individual testimonies. Finally the role of NGOs in the political transition of Myanmar towards a democratic system will be discussed.
- 97 Previous confrontational attempts, such as the demonstrations in 1988, 1996 and 2007 were severely (...)
8
The contemporary capacity of NGOs to influence decision makers must be analysed within a context where the mainstream opposition has been weakened by the government over the years. Alongside the traditional opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), a growing number of people believe that the situation in the country cannot be successfully addressed by confronting the government but rather by cooperating in order to influence policies, while seeking to empower and build the capacity of civil society. The current emerging civil society is not a coherent movement but rather a collection of individuals willing to try to change the system by influencing it from within. A large and growing number of NGOs engaged in a wide range of social welfare activities labelled as being a softer way to offer political alternatives97. They could be the seeds of a broader social movement that could possibly be more effective in representing the people’s aspirations for change than traditional radical opposition. In spite of structural issues involving a lack of coherence, they are participating in influencing and shaping some policies, while training future leaders and empowering local communities. As a group, these NGOs are the embodiment of an increasingly dynamic element of the movement for change. They have a common understanding of the obstacles to democratization in Burma’s deeply divided and impoverished society. It can be expected that some of these individuals will emerge as political leaders in the foreseeable future. 9
Cases where NGOs were able to have their say and influence policies are not yet numerous but their frequency appears to be growing over time. NGOs’ capacity to influence governmental decisions and their legitimacy at local and central levels are illustrated below.
- 98 In 1995, the DKBA allied with the Myanmar army eventually leading to the fall of the then KNU head (...)
- 99 International observer, interview by the author, Chiang Mai, Thailand, February 2011.
“With ethnic minorities, majority of the political and armed groups have links with religious groups. It is more obvious there [than in the seven divisions]). Look at the leader of the Democratic Kayin Buddhist Army [DKBA] 98: he’s a priest! Religion in some ethnic groups is acting as cement to bring the people together to discuss about politics.”99
10
Among the sources of NGO power, the capacity to get external support and to liaise with networks based outside of the country is central. Although international community actors who are involved in funding NGOs don’t necessarily have a thorough understanding of these NGOs’ agendas, their financial support enables them to expand both national and international influence. Access to a foreign audience makes these NGOs more capable of spreading their messages about the situation in Myanmar, to promote their work and to call for more support. It also provides a kind of protection from the government as tentative retaliation would be more visible and likely to be reported and condemned by international public opinion. Finally, there seems to be a snow ball effect for the NGOs that are able to articulate clear messages to an international audience. Not only do they enjoy greater access to financial resources, but they also get the chance to be more frequently represented in various fora organised by their partner INGOs, donor governments, UN and others. Consequently, one of the indicators of NGO power is their international exposure and their capacity to influence international sources. In this area, currently exiled NGOs based in Thailand and in Western countries are more proficient. They call for condemnation of the regime with radical messages, supported by Western countries. This is quite different from NGOs working in the country that have to mitigate their own views and repeat that proactive “engagement” is the only way forward.
11
Some of these NGOs appear to be well-funded and even wealthy, when one sees their busy headquarters. Huge offices and numerous employees suggest a degree of economic and political power. It also suggests a degree of indulgence from the authorities allowing their work. Money is not perceived as a strong vector of power of NGOs to influence Myanmar politics according to the directors of NGOs interviewed. Nonetheless, an important portion of international aid is channelled by NGOs and these funds are partly used to provide public services (which can save money that the government would have spent on public sector activities); it doesn’t seem that this money carries much weight in assessing NGO legitimacy towards the communities they work with. Indeed, this economic factor might, in some cases, be considered as a benchmark to measure government acceptance but also by international donors’ support.
12
As for the interviewed employees, salary is a motivation, but it is not the key factor. In faith-based NGOs, the monthly salary of junior and intermediary employees remains extremely low. In some cases, in the rural areas, monthly salaries are the equivalent of a few US Dollar per month only. In other NGOs, salaries are higher but, overall, the motivation to engage in this sector is not purely for income. It emanates from another source, although the increasing professionalization of the sector might be accompanied by new, more inclusive practices or recruitment. According to a senior employee of an ethnic based organisation:
- 100 Interview by the author, January 2010, Yangon.
“Among the main strengths – that are also weaknesses. We are ethnic people and our organisation is led by ethnic people. We have diverse employees who are really committed. Remember that our organisation started as a very small organisation. I recall my first salary, at the end of the 1990s. That was 6,000 Kyat (currently approximately USD 10). It means that without commitment it wouldn’t have lasted long. The commitment of the leadership is also one of our strengths. Now, we have over 120 employees. We are in all ethnic states except one that this is too far and we have no network there. Our weaknesses are reflected in our strengths, most of our activities focus on ethnic minorities. Thanks to our project in the Ayeyarwady Delta, we could re-balance a bit.” 100
13
The main motivation for the employees is to generate change. In several interviews, NGO employees expressed the rewarding aspects of their work as noticing change in people’s lives:
- 101 Interview by Daw May Myat Noe, September 2010, in Yangon, translation by the author.
“Before I worked for this (faith-based) organisation, I used to be a teacher, a private teacher. I also taught English and trained Church volunteers. Now, after years of working in development, I would like to work with people who are interested in development. When I trained church volunteers, the objective was to get the youth to help the priests, to know how to communicate and be more educated. After several trainings abroad, I really felt I wanted to empower these young people. The young people I trained during my career, they became appreciated in their own communities. And when they came back to visit me later, they had become chief agents. They are so empowered, so when something goes wrong, they dare to say it. The communities rely on them. Two of the youth I trained died in the on-going armed conflict near the Thai border and I felt like I was responsible as I sent them to die. I wondered what to do for these people. I want to help, not only a religious group, but the whole community in the village. Some of them became teachers, child care takers, others spread cultural teachings. Even if they are poor and not properly dressed, kids go to school. Before, when they heard the car, they ran and hid. Now they are more confident, when they hear a car, they run to see it. People trust the youth whom have been trained by me a bit more. So I want to continue. I can see consequences in each village. So I will continue [...]. When I get to the villages, people I know come and give me eggs, sesame, whatever they can offer to greet me”. 101
14
At the local level, faith-based organisations and NGOs can play a crucial social and political role for communities. The following anecdote was reported by a senior employee of a NGO. At the end of the 1990s, when the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) carried out assessments in the country, villagers were asked to draw a bike representing their political system; then they had to identify the various elements of their drawing as the different actors and their importance. In Kachin, Shan and Chin States, villagers drew two giant wheels. They explained to the UNDP facilitators that the wheels, the most important parts of the bike, were the faith-based organisations. According to several interviewees, this is not surprising because during the socialist era, only religious NGOs could remain active and support the populations in these areas, while the relief needs were vast during times of armed conflict.
- 102 Interview by the author, Kachin State, May 2011.
15
In some areas, access to education is exclusively provided by NGOs and ethnic non-state actors, creating generations prone to being closer to the NGOs ideology as they are familiar with the NGOs’ cultural context and political stances. This is the case with many Christian NGOs playing a leading role in providing access to education in minority areas. From pre-school day care to the primary schools, children are immersed in the NGOs’ values from a young age; this undoubtedly creates longer term links. A child-centred approach to teaching was adopted by some monastic schools and various private schools supported by NGOs. This has reportedly helped younger generations to develop their critical thinking abilities, in contrast with government schools’ teaching relying on rote learning without understanding or questioning. Educational activities will also have an impact on the NGOs’ legitimacy in the foreseeable future. Some of the ethnic opposition groups understood this, especially in border areas affected by decades of armed conflict. There, the interconnections between aid groups and armed groups are obvious. In many cases, the opposition groups set up their own infrastructures. For example, the KNU created a health and an education department to provide services to the Kayin populations in the area they administrate, near the Thai-Burmese border. These remote areas are barely accessible from inside the country and the government services there are largely sub-standard. The KIO has also opened schools in areas where government education services are poor. When asking a Kachin NGO employee about education in Kachin, he instantly replied: “The KIO areas are worse. There is not even a government school in those places. People are very poor and the government doesn’t have enough teachers to send there. So, we support the KIO to run schools. We provide them with text books that are according to the government curriculum and with teacher trainings, to familiarise them with a child-centred approach. They also learn Kachin language and culture in these schools. You have to imagine that these teachers are not professional, so they do what they can”.102 - 103 Primary education is free in Myanmar but parents have to buy books, uniforms and pay different sor (...)
16
The borders of pastoral activities, evangelization and aid can be blurry. It has been observed that in some cases that the incentives of faith-based NGOs are religious conversion. This was mainly reported in ethnic areas but also in poor suburban areas. In some cases, religious NGOs get support from foreign groups. For example, in the suburbs of Yangon, Korean Christian missionaries run “banana schools”. Children from disadvantaged backgrounds can access school for free103. The children also get free bananas for lunch, which, according to a Korean sponsor, is their only food intake, hence it helps to maintain a low dropout rate. The school day starts with prayers and religious songs. - 104 Extracted from Timo KIWIMAKI and Morten B. PEDERSON, Burma, mapping the challenges and opportuniti (...)
17
If NGOs can have a religious impact, they can also have a social impact. They encourage the emergence of new practices as well as the promotion of ethnic or religious norms. If the agenda is not clearly stated in the NGOs’ documentation, it sometimes transpires in their activities on the ground. For example, according to Kiwimaki and Pederson’s typology, there are four categories of civil society organisations, each specializing in different activities and having different socio-political impacts:104 - 105 The examples for all four organisation types have been collected during interviews, unless another (...)
- 106 Mary P. CALLAHAN, Political authority in Burma’s ethnic minority states…, op. cit., p. 43.
Civil Society Organisations’ type: Peace mediators.
Main activities: mainly from the church, have played an important political role in facilitating the ceasefire negotiations and resolving tensions between the government and the ceasefire groups.
Example of socio-political impact that became locally sources of legitimacy105: Ceasefires negotiations in Kayah State took place with the mediation of the Catholic Church, by Bishop Sotero (among others), who later became the founder of the NGO Caritas Myanmar, was a great credit to his group.
The Shalom (Nyein) Foundation played a key role in the cease-fire negotiations in Kachin State and have been cultivating peace building and mediation activities in various states ever since. |
Civil Society Organisations’ type: Religious groups.
Main activities: involved in various social works.
Example of socio-political impact that became locally sources of legitimacy: In the Kachin State, the Church reportedly convinced the regional commander, General Onh Myint, to exempt Christian communities from labour requirements on Sundays.106
In Kayin State, the Church is a crucial face of the opposition to the government. |
Civil Society Organisations’ type: Ethnic culture and literacy committees.
Main activities: actively involved in reviving and promoting languages and cultures.
Example of socio-political impact that became locally sources of legitimacy: These groups perpetuate local knowledge for thousands of students every year, especially in Shan, Kayin, Kachin and Mon States where children gain traditional local knowledge |
Civil Society Organisations’ type: Specialised development organisations.
Main activities: more recent, in limited but growing number (agriculture, health, education, etc.).
Example of socio-political impact that became locally sources of legitimacy: The more recent and westernized NGOs display a wide panorama of projects with various positive impacts on the local population’s livelihoods all over the country. As an illustration, community forestry projects’ objective is to allow the local communities to negotiate with local authorities for the issuance of certificates allowing the agricultural use of plots of land covered by forest, in order to avoid land grabbing by private companies and to clarify official land ownership. |
- 107 CALLAHAN Mary P., Political authority in Burma’s ethnic minority states…, op. cit., p. xiii.
- 108 The new government is nominally a civil one, headed by a retired General who used to be the Prime (...)
18
Most of these illustrations demonstrate long term impacts, at the township or the state level of NGOs work that provides them with trust from the grassroots level, hence the legitimacy to negotiate with authorities at the township level and if possible higher. But their ability remains limited as most of the interviewees consider that as much as it seems possible to bring about change at the local level, it is extremely delicate to access policy makers as the national level. The ability to influence remains in the hands of only a few individuals in the country. According to Callahan: “Although few ordinary citizens anywhere in the country have significant opportunities to influence the policy choices of various political authorities, those who live in ethnic minority states are the most disfranchised. However, in certain cases, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), some ethnic minority political organisations, and other non-state actors can serve as buffers or mediators between authority figures and local populations”107. Several interviewees consider that this might change with the new political structure and the establishment of national and regional parliaments. They believe that opportunities to influence politics will increase.108 - 109 Senior employee of a NGO by the author, May 2011, Myitkyina.
“As for influencing the central government, we are still trying”. 109
19
If a number of illustrations were provided by practitioners to demonstrate their influence on policies and in some cases on politics at the local level, NGOs’ operational scope remains dependent on the space left by state. This space can be conditioned by several factors, including the specific local and regional political contexts, the degree of independence from the central government, the profile of the ethnic and religious groups and the relations with the Army. After discussing general modalities of the relations between NGOs and the government, the study case of two NGOs will be developed to illustrate their competency.
- 110 Ministry of Information quoted by Brian HEIDEL, The Growth of Civil Society in Myanmar, op. cit., (...)
- 111 MINISTRY OF NATIONAL PLANNING AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPEMENT, Guidelines for UN Agencies, International (...)
- 112 A registered NGO, working on a range of activities and clandestinely provided civic education trai (...)
20
At the central level, in ministries, the GoUM acknowledges the role played by NGOs: “It has been found that certain local organisations have been established by the non-government organisations to add efforts by the government organisations to carry out political, economic and social activities of the Union of Myanmar aiming to join hands with the people.”110 The Government has a stake in coordinating NGOs (local and international as well as UN agencies) and maintaining some degree of control on them. Logically, official guidelines for NGOs to operate in country state that: “It is clearly observed that there are many programmes and projects of activities that will [...] contribute to the wellbeing of the communities in Myanmar. It is also observed that UN Agencies, International Organisations and NGO/INGOs that have been providing assistance for the socio-economic development of Myanmar should be systematically coordinated and guided so as to achieve more effective and efficient outcomes”.111 In practice, this position justifies the monitoring of NGOs’ activities and funds. The stake for the NGOs is to get some kind of green light, either formal or informal, to operate. The few officially registered organisations are required to produce biannual financial and narrative reports. As for the great majority of the nonregistered ones, they can be controlled at any time and their activities can tentatively be shut down temporarily or definitively.112 In the case of an unexpected government check, several interviewees reported the same experience, trying to hide and destroy as much written documentation as possible on the activities that could put them in trouble. This type of monitoring appears as a heavy constraint and all interviewees mentioned good relationships with the different levels of the government (local, regional, national) as a necessity to be allowed, or at least, tolerated, to work. It was widely asserted that these relations have been recently relatively improved. - 113 CENTER FOR PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES, Listening the Voices from inside: Myanmar civil society’s r (...)
21
A NGO leader, speaking about his own experience when dealing with officials, said: “At all levels, we have to be careful and make sure that we have a good relationship with the authorities. The situation is never fixed and can change rapidly. Policy can change their practices and procedures suddenly and some have a good impact and some do not. We have to be very careful and maintain good relationships with authorities [...]. Cyclone Nargis brought about the opportunity to expand to higher levels and create new relationships, but this has created more challenges also and more stress. It has led to more confusion. We have to be sure to bow down to them and this is stressful. Last week we went to the field with permission from the highest level. Despite this, we were questioned by local authorities. People are fearful. We realised that because of the fear, we have to create relationships with all levels, including the lower levels. Improving the communication and negotiation skills of our employees is critical to building good relationships with the authorities, if we have a good relationship with the local level, then generally, we don’t need to deal with the higher level”.113 22
Sustaining the government’s consent allows NGOs to implement their projects while keeping suspicions at bay. On the other hand, it also allows the GRUM to keep track of the funds allocated to NGOs. Indeed, hypothesized that the international funds poured into the country allow the government to save money by reducing government spending on social services. It could also be hypothesized that NGOs provide services to populations living in poverty and in remote areas, mitigating their potential frustrations generated by the central government. To this extent, NGOs’ work is not without consequences for the beneficiaries’ relationships with and perceptions of the authorities. It can be a double edged sword as those beneficiaries can either feel resentful that the government is overlooking their needs or appeased as they get access to needed services in the end. In some cases, NGOs conceive of their work as subsidiary or complementary to government projects in some cases, but more generally, they consider it is as a substitution for it. They generally consider that NGOs have to take action as government services are not satisfactory, or simply not available.
23
Senior NGO employees often reported difficulties in gaining access to higher levels of government officials, especially the Army commanders. It seems that technical ministries, such as Agriculture, Social Welfare and others are friendlier to NGOs but they are not ultimately in charge to take the decisions at the national level. According to their experience, the civil servants have nothing against NGOs’ work, as long as it is demonstrated as non-sensitive, monitored and somehow contained. NGOs having some ex-civil servants among their employees comprehend better the internal mechanisms; they can navigate among the services to get what they need. Great difficulty appears when it comes to negotiating with military representatives, as they feel unsecure and unfamiliar with Army processes, values and chain of command. NGOs struggle with the ‘culture’ of the Army and attempts to communicate had mixed results. Not only are NGOs not acquainted with the ways to persuade military agents, but also, as their governing bodies are mainly composed of ethnic and religious minority groups, they do not share the Bamar values promoted by the Army. Without the necessary degree of trust, margins of manœuvre remain limited.
- 114 Article 131 (h) of the 2008 Constitution in MINISTRY OF INFORMATION, Constitution of the Republic (...)
24
As long as NGOs’ work appears religious in nature, it is given a different, generally non-political, meaning. It is perceived as less threatening, less contentious and distinct from pure political involvement. Nonetheless, close surveillance by the government still applies to faith-based organisations. Notably, faith-based NGOs have not established a solid trust with the government as they were often involved in cease-fire discussions and have traditionally supported ethnic armed groups. The religious institutions in general seem to be a serious enough concern to the government that they added a provision in the 2008 Constitution in order to keep them away from politics during the elections periods. Among the persons who shall not be entitled to be elected as a Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house legislature) representative, include: “[A] person himself or is of a member of an organisation who abets the act of inciting, giving speech, conversing or issuing declaration to vote or not to vote based on religion for political purpose”.114 - 115 Interview by the author with HIV civil society international donor organization staff, Yangon, 201 (...)
- 116 With the mechanism of the implementation of the Three Diseases Funds, a pooled funding mechanism f (...)
25
As demonstrated above, NGOs’ stated objective to influence the decision making process at the local and national levels can be achieved by using different methods. In several cases, NGOs developed the technical expertise to lobby for their focal point in the local government to amend policies with the promise of help in implementing it. Reported successes are generally at the local level. At the regional or national levels, NGOs’ influence is acknowledged, but rather limited. This capacity to influence is more obvious in certain sectors than in others although it is overall difficult to comprehensively assess the impact of NGOs. For example, strong developments have been reported within the eight last years in the sector of health; more precisely in the prevention and support to those affected by HIV and AIDS. Whereas the government was in a state of public denial of the scale of the issue until around 2003, there is evidence that the increased interest on HIV and AIDS was partially generated by NGOs.115 This led to the acknowledgement of the seriousness of the situation by the Ministry of Health that made it a priority to address the disease and supported large scale prevention campaigns. Such an attitude change was positively acknowledged by the members of the international community. They perceived HIV and AIDS as a priority but also a way to increase international aid in the country without tackling political issues. Therefore they increased funding, allowing a greater number of NGOs to work on this issue. This demonstrates one of the still rare examples where national policies have been amended partly due to the NGO lobbying.116 - 117 “I work with Bamar, Shan, Chin, Kayin, and Kachin people on environment issues. We want to meet an (...)
- 118 Such as the Myanmar Action Plan for Disaster Risk Reduction or the National Plan of Action for the (...)
26
The sensitivities of the issues adopted by NGOs fluctuate over time. For example, within the last few years, the GoUM has also increasingly agreed to discuss and review its position on women and environmental issues117 due to the common approach of the aid community and NGOs. It sometimes resulted in the drafting of national work plans118, which are yet to be translated into concrete actions. As much as it is still almost impossible to request respect for Human Rights, women’s rights are no longer taboo. NGOs are certainly playing a role in influencing the policies when a sector has been cleared as no longer sensitive by the government. As for the factors that make a sector sensitive, they are diverse and generally driven by internal logic that is rarely clearly exposed. As for the NGOs, they are also influenced to a certain extent by their donors. Some temporary trends motivate donors’ priorities. For example, gender is now very broadly funded and this very fact induces NGOs implementing gender projects, as they have a greater potential to be funded. But, at the time of writing, it seems that the relative scarcity of donors combined with the monopoly of NGOs to access government stakeholders, and to reach out to remote areas, are as many limitations in NGOs’ political power. - 119 NGO employee, Interview by the author, Myiktina, May 2011.
“There are many Christians here. All those we work with are Christian, except the Shan literature Committees that are Buddhist. I am Buddhist as well. But I work mostly with Christians. I don’t like the idea of this much, nonetheless, in practice it is good to work with them. They are very capable. There are no Buddhists in the KIO, they are mainly Christian, and like everyone, they are connected to each other here.” 119
- 120 NGO manager, Interview by the author, January 2011, Yangon.
“My organisation is based in Laiza, Kachin State. We have 110 employees and 20 volunteers. We have a very low profile as we also work in SPDC administrated area. We have no website, no publication, etc. We tend to maintain good relations with the KIO too. We have several projects with the health department, department of education and the committee for NGOs of the KIO. In SPDC areas, we can work through the Christian Churches. We also have links with larger NGOs that are based in Kachin”. 120
27
The Kachin State is among the ethnic areas that receive the highest amount of international aid. It is mainly populated by the Kachin Jingpaw ethno-linguistic group, along with 6 other sub groups who identify themselves as Kachin with an important Shan minority (reportedly up to one third of the population). This mountainous region bordering China is traditionally rich in natural resources due to its lush forest and rich mineral deposits. Private companies, generally from Myanmar and China, have been meticulously extracting and exporting teakwood, precious minerals etc. Kachin State also has great hydropower potential with the building of a massive dam at the confluence of the Mekha and Malika Rivers, upstream from the Ayeyarwady, which are symbolically the heart of Kachin culture and the legendary birth place of its people. There are several large dam projects on going at the time of writing, generating resentment of local communities. In June 2011, the cease-fire between the KIO and the Army was broken near the Tapai Dam.
- 121 One of the key reasons for the KIO taking up arms against the government was that U Nu’s governmen (...)
- 122 Mary P. CALLAHAN, Political authority in Burma’s ethnic minority states: devolution, occupation, a (...)
28
In Kachin State, many small scale NGOs have been created since the cease-fire agreements in the mid-1990s. Prior to the peace agreements, the faith-based organisations appear to have been the main conduit there of aid delivery. There is a tradition of relative independence from the central government due to historical and geographical factors. Several interviewees mentioned that Bamar are still perceived as oppressors who came and killed the Kachin’s ancestors.121 The main cease-fire group, the KIO, has had a strong relationship with the Baptist Church. As a consequence, the Christian churches play an important role with leaders involved in peace negotiations. The KIO is very influential in Kachin State and can influence some of the NGOs’ work: “The KIO tried to establish a state within a state. As the oldest and more probably broadly supported nationalist group in Kachin State, the KIO faced pressure from followers to obtain major political concessions from the military junta to stop fighting [...] the cease-fire arrangements have led to multiple sites of overlapping and indefinite authority [...]. Myanmar NGOs that want to work in KIO areas have to apply for permission from the central government, the regional commander, and the KIO.”122 The number of NGOs in Kachin State have increased significantly since the cease-fire agreements. Map 3. Number of LNGOs and Organizations Working with LNGOs in Kachin State (May 2011)
Source: based on Myanmar Who/What/Where, Myanmar Information Management Unit, 2011.
Table 6. Names, Locations and Projects under Implementation of LNGOs and Organizations Working with LNGOs in Kachin State (June 1st 2011)
# | Area | Organization* | Projects |
5 | Myitkyina | Metta, KDN, MANA, WFP (SF), PCF (KBC – Kachin) | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta, KDN, PCF), Food (WFP), Health (Metta, MANA), Wash (Metta) |
3 | Bhamo | Metta, KDN, MANA | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta, KDN), Health (Metta, MANA) |
3 | Injangyang | Metta, WFP (SF), PCF (KBC – Kachin) | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta, PCF), Food (WFP), Wash (Metta) |
3 | Momauk | Metta, WFP (SF), PCF (KBC – Kachin) | Agriculture (Metta), Education (PCF), Food (WFP), Health (Metta) |
3 | Waingmaw | Metta, WFP (SF), PCF (KBC – Kachin) | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta, PCF), Food (WFP), Health (Metta), Non-Agricultural Livelihoods Infrastructure (Metta), Wash (Metta) |
2 | Hpakan | Metta, PCF (KBC – Kachin) | Agriculture (Metta), Education (PCF) |
2 | Mansi | Metta, WFP (SF) | Education (Metta), Food (WFP), Health (Metta) |
2 | Mogaung | Metta, UNFPA (MMA) | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta), Health (Metta, UNFPA) |
2 | Sumprabum | WFP (SF), PCF (KBC – Kachin) | Education (PCF), Food (WFP) |
1 | Chipwi | Metta | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta) |
1 | Mohnyin | Metta | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta), Health (Metta) |
1 | Shwegu | Metta | Agriculture (Metta), Education (Metta) |
1 | Tanai | Metta | Agriculture (Metta) |
0 | Khaunglanhpu | none |
0 | Machanbaw | none |
0 | Nawngmun | none |
0 | Puta-O | none |
0 | Twawlaw | none |
* Organizations in brackets are implementing partners.
Source: based on Myanmar Who/What/Where, Myanmar Information Management Unit, 2011.
29
After focusing on the case of the two most influential Kachin NGOs, we will turn to an examination of how individuals became involved in NGOs to highlight how personal agendas can be articulated with organisational agendas.
- 123 Shop keeper, interview by the author, May 2011, Myitkyina.
“I don’t know any Kachin NGO – ah yes, Metta Foundation, of course! This is an NGO? And Shalom? All I know is that they are rather discreet, active in the remote areas, they are Baptist, but I am not sure what they actually do”. 123
- 124 Catholic male, interview by the author, May 2011, Myitkyina.
“Did our people get any support from Metta? But I told you we are Catholic! They go to the Baptists. They do their meetings and distributions within their Baptist Church compound, where we dare not enter.” 124
- 125 International NGO employee, interview by the author, May 2011, Yangon.
“I am very impressed by Metta Foundation; they are so humble, discreet and so professional. Do you know that they even turned down some donors’offer as they didn’t want to change the way they’re working?” 125
- 126 The government has called all the troops of the armed groups to convert into border guard forces, (...)
30
The strength of the KIO and its relative independence from Nay Pyi Daw’s authority results from the power gained during the armed conflict. The cease-fire agreements allow them important incomes due to border trade control with China. These were the fundamental enabling factors for the inception of what can be today labelled as the first Myanmar NGOs. Indeed, before these organisations, religious groups and faith-based NGOs had a monopoly on aid. Both of the following organisations are formally independent from the regime and the KIO, they are based in Myitkina and were able to extend quickly and dramatically to become two heavyweights in Myanmar political life and in the development sphere. In Kachin State, they reached the status of institutions. Many of the educated youth have been supported by and have volunteered in these organisations. In spite of obvious signs of power, both of these organisations find themselves in a delicate situation. They have to accommodate the GoUM showing their positive impact on the ground while striving to appear as non-political and constantly negotiating access and trust with the KIO, while the local context sensitivities are exponentially growing regarding border guard force issues.126 Both of these NGOs have adopted a very different style and in spite of many common points, they illustrate two extreme positions in regards to their organisational approach and political involvement. - 127 Metta ((...)
- 128 See http://www.metta-myanmar.org
- 129 He is interestingly referred to with his title of Doctor in the document, while his religious role (...)
- 130 METTA DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, 10 years Metta, 10 years jubilee report, Yangon, 2010, 44 p.
- 131 In the 10 year jubilee report, key employees are presented with their picture, ethnicity, religion (...)
31
The creation of the Metta Development Foundation127 was a direct output of the talks between the KIO and the government during the peace negotiations fifteen years ago. This information was collected and cross checked orally with various informants in the absence of public sources of information and written documentation. On the website, one can read that “Metta” was the first organisation to be officially registered as a NGO under the Ministry of Home Affairs in October 1998. The main objective of its programmes is to assist local communities to recover from the impact of decades of civil war by initiating a development process that helps them to evolve into stable, self-reliant societies. It has established close working relationships with the development departments of various church organisations, as well as with ceasefire organisations, and as a matter of principle works in all ethnic minority communities, regardless of race and religion”.128 Metta recently celebrated its 10th anniversary, and a public document was released. The chairman of the Foundation, the prominent mediator, Reverend Saboi Jum129reminded people that: “The situation at the time of Metta ‘s foundation was indeed difficult. Nevertheless we were able to succeed in Metta ‘s establishment and have been able to assist many long-suffering communities through the decade since”.130 Indeed Metta was created in a climate of extreme tension in the Kachin State, soon after the cease-fire that was expected to implement a lasting peace through development. The inception of Metta illustrates the political nature of the first NGOs whose inceptions took place logically in cease-fire areas before the model spread out towards central Myanmar where the army presence and monopoly of power left less space for them. The current first executive Director is a “Christian Kachin”.131 She also was, according to several interviewees, the former liaison officer of the KIO, based in Bangkok during the armed conflict in the late 80s and 90s, to promote KIO ideas and raise awareness among the international community of the organisation’s struggle. Informants also reported that during this time, the KBC was a main relief provider in the conflict affected area, including in the KIO areas. These close links are still strong today and have resulted in Metta having access to both SPDC and KIO administrated areas to supply aid. - 132 According to METTA DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, op. cit., 2010, p. 11.
32
Today, Metta has positioned itself as the main non faith-based and non-political organisation. It strives to demonstrate no specific ethnic identity feature, and focuses on remaining unconnected with politics. It targets safe areas such as livelihoods and aid relief. With 1000 employees and a total budget for the Nargis emergency relief of over 8 million US Dollars, Metta has expanded its work in several states and divisions in the country. Half of their total activities still take place within the Kachin State. No documentation from Metta about the above mentioned facts or direct links with the Baptist Church could be found. Nonetheless, several indicators could be identified to demonstrate that religion is not totally absent from their work and vision. For example, many among Metta’s donors are Christian foreign organisations. Among the senior management team, two thirds of the members are Christian with links to the Myanmar Council of Churches (MCC), half of them being from Kachin State.132 Nonetheless, the communication documents highlight the religious and ethnic inclusiveness of the organisation: - 133 Extract from METTA DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, op. cit., 2010, p. 6.
“Metta Board members represent diverse ethnic, religious and professional backgrounds.
Their common bond is their role as peace negotiators. Their common goal is building on peace for the generations to come.” 133
- 134 Interview by the author of a Myanmar NGO worker who was based in Northern Shan State in 2005, May (...)
33
Finally, allegations of aid targeting Baptist populations as well as invitations to conversion have been reported during food security programmes in the Northern Shan State in 2005 by Myanmar employees of International NGOs.134In addition, some field offices of the organisation display huge crosses, including in their offices in the Ayeyarwady Division in 2008, where the majority of the population is Buddhist. 34
Metta is clearly not willing to be seen as involved in politics today. Senior employees are very clear about this: Metta is working in relief and development with a greater focus on livelihoods. It is emblematic of the position of those NGOs trying to change the system discreetly, engaging with the government as much as possible, and progressing slowly towards a greater ability to influence policies. Their strategy was to focus on the safe sector of livelihoods and agricultural development to be freed from suspicion of political activities. Hence they are today able to approach the government up to high levels in order to lobby for operational space and a wide range of issues, while remaining extremely cautious in their approach.
35
The Shalom (Nyein) Foundation135 was created a few years later by a breakaway faction from Metta, wishing to emphasize their work on the most sensitive activities: peace building. A few years after Metta’s creation, some disagreements appeared within the board. In 2000, those who wanted to emphasize peace mediation and conflict resolution activities created their own NGO, led by the Reverend Saboi Jum. Due to the significant overlap with Metta’s founding fathers, Shalom’s board was unsurprisingly very close to the KIO and the KBC. Since, Shalom also worked to differentiate their image from a given ethnic group. Shalom usually present their organisation as being representative of various ethnic minorities without highlighting their Kachin background. Reverend Saboi Jum (who left Metta to found Shalom), along with twenty colleagues established the Ethnic Peace Mediators Fellowship to help form and strengthen mediators groups in all ethnic areas. It also was granted the mandate to facilitate educational and training programmes on peace-building, undertake development activities, and represent local communities. Today, this Fellowship operates with mediators from five states (Kachin, Kayin, Kayah, Mon, and Chin) and has invited members from Shan and Rakhine States. 
The political leaders five years after the cease-fire agreements in Kachin State (source: Public Communication material by Shalom, 2001). In the middle, the former Prime Minister Gen. Khin Nyunt and Rev.-Dr. Saboi Jum, with the key members of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and the New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K). The picture was taken in 2001.
- 136 See http://www.shalommyanmar.org/index.htm
36
Shalom’s strategy was to expand its activities over time to include community development work as a means to build and sustain peace. According to their website, the Foundation aims at cooperating with all religious and ethnic communities, and its board includes both Christians and Buddhists.136 According to informants, the relations between Saboi Jum and the KIO worsened over time. The pressure on the KIO to convert into a border guard force as well as the dismissal of the registration of the Kachin State Progressive Party for the General Elections, as a consequence of the refusal of the KIA to be integrated in the Tatmadaw, boosted tensions with the central government. The legitimacy of Reverend Saboi Jum is challenged as both the government and the KIO suspect him to have acquaintances with the other side. - 137 Critics heard during the data collection phase relied on different rationales: inside Kachin State (...)
37
Shalom also does not openly promote any religious message, but its links with the Baptist Church are palpable. Most of the employees are Baptist and it is reportedly difficult to climb the ladder inside the organisation for the non-Kachin or non-Baptists. As the director is a reverend, meetings often start with prayers and commonly take place in religious buildings. It seems that religion remains a key component of their organisational identity, even if some efforts have been made towards a greater inclusiveness. This could be an encouraging sign of progressing towards national reconciliation, if there was not a growing number of voices both in and out of Kachin State that criticise this approach as a superficial one.137 Shalom is suspected of aiming at earning power, ultimately benefitting only a limited group of people, close to its founders. 38
Both Metta and Shalom developed technical abilities to implement development and relief activities. Metta has also supported a great number of small scale NGOs to develop expertise, access funds and become bigger players. They succeeded in implementing their communications strategy as most of their donors and international agencies label them as non-religious organisations and representative of all ethnic groups. For example, several embassies have funded activities because they consider Metta or Shalom to be neutral. The case of Kachin State is specific, although similarities can be found with other ethnic areas. The visible autonomy from the central authorities added to the conflict a sensitive context which conveyed a certain degree of legitimacy and an increased power to NGOs.
- 138 International employee working with ethnic NGOs, interview by the author, Chiang Mai, March 2011.
“If you look for someone who is not affiliated in one way or another to the KIO in Kachin organisations, you would have to look very low, down the organizational chart to find this person”. 138
39
In Kachin State, many youth from the KIO administrated area have been associated with this organisation. At the very least, they have been in their schools and associate with their members on a daily basis. Many youth serve later as volunteers, although sometimes they do not subscribe to the political decisions of the organisation and tend to seek a degree of autonomy from it, within the NGO structure for example.
40
The following are extracts from the transcripts of personal stories from two senior employees of NGOs, both fluent in Jingphaw language, that illustrate the complexity of the relations between the stakeholders, the operational modalities and the intricacy of their identity in relation to their organisations’ work. The first interviewee is very close the KIO and grew up in the headquarters of the KIA during the armed conflict. The narrative reveals a motivation to engage in NGO work as the result of a strong rejection of the political system in place at local and national levels. The interviewee was asked to explain his own history and what led him to become a NGO leader.
- 139 The interviewee refers to the China/Myanmar border.
Interview of a senior employee of a Kachin organisation, interview by the author, January 2011, Yangon
“I was born and grown up in Laiza, Kachin State. I studied up to the equivalent of Grade 11 in a Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) school. Then, as all of us, I had no opportunity to study further in Burma. We have nothing else to do there, see? It was only informal education for SPDC, so no college for me.
The Kachin youth can only go abroad and study illegally in Thailand, China or India. So I went abroad to go to college. There, I met with some Assamese rebels. They wanted the independence of Assam, so I joined them. A few years later, I was prosecuted as I was an illegal migrant. I have been in jail for one month and a half. Then I had to go to the court every so often for four years. Can you imagine? During day time, I was going to study at the college and then, when the class was finished, I went to the court… I don’t really want to recall these years. I did a lot of things for this movement. I travelled a lot in India, in Nepal, I have been up to Kathmandu… I could understand their fight for Independence. But I cannot agree on some of their practices. Abductions, killings, violence… this, I didn’t believe in it.
I came back to Burma. I worked for a mediation group for several years as I felt I had to do something there for my people. But how can we bring peace to the state with so many conflicts inside the organisation? I left again. I went to study abroad and once I graduated from the university, I came back to Kachin. There, I still feel the strong duty to report to my old organisation, but I wanted to work with another group, at the border.139 This group is mainly supported cross-border by Thailand based NGOs. I often go to the border and Chiang Mai. I don’t understand why people do not help us from inside Burma. We work there with the Education and the Health Departments of the KIO”. 41
The following interview highlights other aspects of the NGO engagement, the attempts to change the system from inside. It illustrates the links between NGOs and government officials but also the complexity of the relations with the non-state actors. Finally, it provides a testimony of the current political sensitivities related to environment in the Kachin State.
- 140 This NGO displays neither sign of faith, nor any affiliation to political ideas. This is almost an (...)
- 141 Words in English during the interview.
Interview of a Bamar employee of a NGO based in Kachin State, Interview by the author, Myitkyina, May 2011
Question: Can you explain your work?
Answer: “I am working for my organisation in the Kachin State conservation and community forestry.
140 We have many activities, such as awareness campaigns, community mobilisation, etc. We have had legal authorisation to do so for 2 years now. Initially, in Kachin State, we started with 10 townships, as a consortium with 6 other LNGOs [...]. Our objective is to raise awareness of the population and mobilize them to understand the value of the forest and to preserve natural resources surrounding them. We explain them the land tenure related rights to strengthen their capacity”.
Q.: How do you work with the government (i.e. the Ministry of Forestry)?
A.: “Of course, our NGO tries to build linkages between the Forestry Department and the communities. We provide opportunities to the villagers to do link up, to “joint”
141. The villagers are usually very afraid of the Department people and didn’t dare to approach them at first. So our organisation approached this Department. We then explained to the villagers how they should approach them”.
Q.: How do you link the officials and the villagers?
A.: “I was myself an employee from the Forest Department, for 10 years. I have worked for the government all over Myanmar [...]. My initial interest for forestry was as leisure, when I was at school. I graduated from my school. I had good marks. I didn’t know what to do, as I wanted to save the forest [...]. Two years later, I could start to focus on my specialty and that interested me a lot. After these years, I have been progressively interested in trees, forest, environment issues, etc. Now, after several years working for this organisation, I wanted to work in Kachin State. I asked my managers to be stationed here. It has been a long time I’ve been willing to work in this region. This is the Northern part of Myanmar, where I’d never been before. Now, after a few years, I would like to stay and become a local here!
It is very easy for me to approach the Forest department. This is my added value for my organisation; I have previous contacts with Forestry Department who were my peers at school. They help me and I help them to do their management planning and other tasks. It helps to raise awareness also. As I know all the rules and regulations, they all trust me. I am now familiar with the officers of each township. I even get closer to the Director of the Forestry Department for Kachin State [...].
The Forestry Department, on its side, understands it as if we were helping them to do their work. In this case, they have to let the companies carrying out deforestation, as revenues are expected from this Department by the central government. So they give plots, manage where companies can cut, according to the local context. In some places that are not classified as natural reserves but where the soil is fertile, companies’ plant sugar cane, cassava, etc. and the soil then is totally drained. The Forestry Department also let companies dig their gold mines. They cut the trees and come with their bulldozers.
With the land rights approach, we get the Forestry Department to issue certificates preventing companies to buy or grab lands and allowing local communities to stay. When the company is using the plots, in villages where people rely on the forest to earn their living, there is simply no livelihood anymore.
My experience in this organisation is very different from my assignment for the Forestry Department. As a civil servant, if I wanted villagers to do something, I used to force them. In a NGO, I facilitate the process of people’s understanding. I use soft ways. They trust me. I am no one now. I have no influence. It takes more time. But when people do understand, they do things willingly, not under fear. At the beginning, it was a bit difficult, but now it is positive. They listen to me. Even better, I have more impact on villagers than before”.
Q.: What are your links with the KIO?
A.: “They have an interest in forest. I deal with the Kachin Relief and Development Committee, under the KIO. Two of our project sites are located in zones under their control. We collaborate for the projects. Before the elections, due to the tensions, we could not access these zones. We have to ask for authorization to travel there from the KIO. One of the employees from the consortium can go there, as he’s close to the KIO. I cannot go there; I need a clearance, because I am not a Kachin. This is unless they need a hand on something. Then, they provide me with a special travel authorization.
There is no Chinese NGOs working to protect the environment here. In the KIO administrated areas, near the border with China, there are trees very near behind the border line, visible from the Myanmar side. But the Chinese cross the border and come to cut our trees. So I don’t believe that Chinese NGOs will ever come here to speak with the companies from their country to stop logging.
All the KIO villages needed assistance, so the KIO left the Chinese companies to cut all the trees. Now the hills are empty, they are like craters. When I travel to these villages, I ask them: “Are you happy now with your nice houses and you mobile phones? What do you leave your children with? What will be their generations’ income means? The Chinese will not come anymore at that time”. Now for sure, they listen to me. At the beginning, they fled when they saw me. They could read on my face that I am a Myanmar (Bamar) so they assumed I was a military. For me, it took four months the first time to get an authorisation to travel there and once there, no way to meet anyone! Over time, I gained their trust and meet the people there”.
Q.: Why are there more Christian in your consortium?
A.: “At the beginning, Shalom started to work on peace building and attracted international attention. They have a good network, and they contacted my boss. This is how it all started [...].
With the companies, there are sometimes conflicts. Local authorities provide them with legal authorisations to use the land. They don’t care about the villagers. The villagers get angry and destroy the material of the company. They also sometimes file complaints. In two villages, they got compensated. When people leave with money in their pocket, then I can see the impact of my work. I see that this is the result of the advocacy on conservation in each township. We also invite local authorities and the Forestry Department to our meetings. In some places, they request companies to agree with villagers and other stakeholders before they start working. When the company gets to know that there is a community forestry project, they step back and the Land Department can’t issue an authorisation. The company has then to step back when they see the determination of local villagers. Even when villagers have no official certificate to keep the land, they produce the copy of the letter they sent to the Land Department and companies are afraid to face troubles. They are surprised by the empowerment of the population. It means that my work has a growing impact.
As for influencing central government, we are still trying. Our manager goes to Nay Pyi Daw and meets people there. He has good connections within the Ministry of Forestry and Land Department. He also has contacts with the parliament now. He tries to represent the forestry community in a bill to the national parliament. It mentions land tenure and land rights for villagers. Passing a bill is the only way for many villagers to gain back their land one day. This would alleviate poverty. The consent of central authorities is necessary to enable these people to win their land for real. But the bill hasn’t been validated yet”.
Q.: How do you see the future?
A.: “I am optimistic. It has been four years since I have been working here now. At the beginning, no one knew the community forestry concept. Now, all the townships located on the East Bank of Ayeyarwady River are aware. We started then to work on the West bank. Some townships also came to know about it now, as far as in Putao (a town in the north of Kachin State). Before, villagers had no knowledge and were hopeless. Now, I can really see the results of our work. It is a central livelihood issue. For the future, I hope that the children of today, being the adults of tomorrow, will enjoy land property and will own their lands. They will be more united and have a better life. If it goes this way, better things can also be expected. Planting a tree is a long term project you know.”
42
These two different trajectories point out the multiplicity of motivations to get engaged in the NGO sector but also how these personal histories are translated in the organisations and their cultures. It can range from the perspective to ameliorate the government services, to militant systematic opposition and strive to establish a parallel system to escape from the state authority. In the political sphere these two extreme positions of NGOs are reflected, as well as the wide range of options in between.
43
As the links between ethnics, politics and religion are demonstrated in the case of the Kachin State, some of these findings too can often be seen in other parts of the country, among various ethnic and religious groups. We will now turn to a discussion of the role of NGOs in politics as well as the role they are already playing and how this may reinforce a political transition process. Whereas NGOs used to be few in number and occupied a restricted political space, they now are increasingly numerous and progressively have more opportunities to exercise power. With the recent transition to a parliamentary democracy, these social actors seem to have been called upon to play a more important role in the political life of the country.
44
Some of the individuals interviewed seem to use NGOs as a mean to carry out activities they wouldn’t dare to do on their own, without a protective umbrella. They get involved as a way to cope with the inability as single individual to influence government politics. One hypothesis that could be applied is that many of the NGO leaders would actually be political leaders if the situation had evolved in a different context, with a longer democratic tradition. A fair proportion of them appear to be evolving into future, long term, authentic political actors, if the timid progress toward the opening of the country and the changes in the political environment is confirmed in the coming years.
- 142 In his inaugural speech the President Thein Sein stated the will of the government to collaborate (...)
45
With the emerging trend of increasing access of civil society to power, it seems likely that some of the NGOs’ positions will become more polarised. Some will more than likely go in the same direction as the new government, a government that seems to be allowing more flexibility, inclusiveness and potentially support,142associating their successes with those of the government, increasing its capacity towards good governance and legitimising it. The introduction of the article from a governmental daily newspaper reproduced below shows the positive and nationalist feeling leaders can experience about NGOs. On the other hand, some NGOs will have fed opposition leaders with ideas and education over the years, enabling them to offer alternatives to the authorities in place. - 143 Anonymous, “Humanitarian Projects picking a momentum”, The New Light of Myanmar, Vol. XIX, No. 18, (...)
Perspectives: Humanitarian Projects picking up momentum
“Inspired by a strong sense of altruistic spirit, Myanmar people by nature are willing to contribute volunteer service for welfare of others, provide assistance to needy people, and encourage those who are getting into troubles.
Every now and then, the world sees natural disasters due to climate changes and human activities. The Myanmar Red Cross Society is aimed at rescuing and rehabilitating victims of disasters. With the objective: to alleviate suffering, the social organizations is in pursuit of humanitarian tasks for providing health care, control and prevent diseases and rehabilitate those in troubles.
Red Cross members are taking part in community-based health care projects, collecting safe blood, prevent HIV/AIDS, and providing artificial limbs. The association in cooperation with UN agencies, non-governmental organizations and congenial organizations is working closely for those vulnerable to diseases and those who have only little chance to receive medical treatment.
Preparedness against natural disasters and rehabilitations is one of the major tasks of the Myanmar Red Cross Society. To expedite the tasks, first aid course and community-based first-aid course are being conducted on a wide scale across the nation.
Now, the number of the number of township Red Cross societies is 325. With the total number of Red Cross members is over 200,000, humanitarian projects are gathering momentum.”
The New Light of Myanmar, 9
th May 2011
143 (just 3 years after the Cyclone Nargis)
46
The following extracts of interviews have been selected as they have been collected from NGO employees who are not labelled as politically involved. The selected questions aim at discussing the recent political context of the emergence of NGOs as well as the path that led the interviewees to choose involvement in this sector. Their organisations cannot be stigmatised as a politically involved. They illustrate different modalities of individuals taking part in political activities, without identifying themselves as politically involved. They might be well aware of the nature of their activities but refuse to acknowledge them as political. They represent the lesser degree of politicization of the sector. They reflect individual stories, motivations and perceptions of individual dreams to change the country, while not considering their action as political. They appear as closer to the massive, silent, majority of the population that feels disempowered and disengaged with politics, and who cope with the shortcomings of the system through engagement with various solidarity networks among families, peers, and others.
Interview of a Buddhist Bamar, Director of a NGO, interview by Daw May Myat Noe, in Yangon, October 2010.
Q.: Please explain your own history and how you got involved in the NGO sector?
A.: “I have been a civil servant for 20 years, during the socialist period. There was a project of cooperatives. At that time, cooperatives were numerous. I was in charge of the training. After an internship, I studied again cooperatives structures. I was based in the Mon State [...]. All cooperative schools became colleges, and I involved with the committee in charge of this transformation. During my assignment as a civil servant, I have been sent abroad, to communist countries. By chance rather, I was always in charge of the training unit. So I was chosen to become the director of a training project.
I worked in different ethnic states. When I was a student in the university, I visited Kayin State. At that time, when the Kayin saw me, they thought I was the enemy, but at that time I wasn’t afraid [...].
As a civil servant, I learnt that for any manager to change, methods had to change, and I had to find the positive ways to work with different people. Some of my managers were good teachers, guiding me. Others let me do it the way I wanted. Now with my organisation, I am more independent, I have no manager. I am the manager. I try to teach to others. We started with three employees and one room. Now we have 20 employees. I still remember the long road to get to here. This is a great experience for my life. I must do everything, take all decisions, and provide guidance to the employees. For the next generation, I would like to recommend them to work with NGOs. This is the way I grew. I started from little, and here I am. Managers and big men trained us. We also shall train the next ones so that they can become good leaders. Every time I look at the younger generation, I compare them with my life, to see where they are at, to understand them [...].
When U Thant (the former Secretary General of the United Nations) passed away and Ne Win refused to bury him in Yangon, I was commuting daily, near the university, and I could hear their speech, so sometimes I would get off the bus to attend [...].
We need to think like leaders, for old men to achieve. Today a way for my employees to learn is to do things by themselves. I let them do that.”
Q.: What do you think is different between NGOs in Myanmar and abroad?
A.: “NGOs in Myanmar are the same nature for these groups but the context is different. In the countries I have been to, it is easy to register, for example. Even in Vietnam and China, there are many NGOs. They have some freedom. Here, it is a bit different. We cannot do what we want. As our existence, it is difficult. There are many limitations, for example, to become an organisation, we need to be registered. In other countries, even small organisations in suburbs, they can receive money into their bank account. Here, all of it is controlled and monitored. We can even find ourselves in trouble. Some INGOs or donors cannot understand, as they do not know this system”.
Q.: Can NGOs change the system?
A.: “Yes, as these organisations are made by men, if the majority can accept the change, it would work. The NGOs should adopt general values, they should adapt to communities in order to influence them, then to empower them and then you can change them, this is the basis of change. NGOs evolve too. The messages they carry evolve, along as the communities ideas are changing too”.
Q.: Could you witness changes after Khin Nyunt’s fall?
A.: “We didn’t have any problems, but some other NGOs had some problems. For us, there was no problem as we are based in an urban area and the beneficiaries come to our office. NGOs deploying employees in communities in rural areas used to have issues with Military Intelligence as people were not allowed to gather as a group”.
Q.: What do you think of the border guard forces issue?
A.: “Local communities, in some places, are not united. In the Constitution, there is one command, one control and all the soldiers are under the Tatmadaw. They offered a chance to try to integrate all the border guard forces. So, before ethnic armies were in remote, bad places, then, they could get integrated in central army. If this is for the good, it will last, but the Tatmadaw has also the power to change things over night. If local communities and armies stay in their regions of origin, if they do not disturb central authorities, there would be no conflict. They can keep a degree of independence. If a local army is formed, still the central army is needed to protect them. I think that, for each state, there should be a regional army for those who want and others under the National Army. When I was younger, people gathered as armed groups to protect their village. They do not use the weapons properly. If a group takes arms, it is important for it to understand how to use the arms properly”.
Q.: Do you think the General Elections will have an impact?
A.: “Only now, is there an emergence of NGOs. It is the beginning only. The movement will continue after the elections. The country needs a civil society. Elections are the ground for the future at the moment, there might be a transformation and, if this happens, ideas and values will change. This will take time. If the same people are in power, it is going to be difficult to change the system. For example, as for me, if I have to change the system I am in, it is going to be difficult as I have my way of thinking, my own habits and values, as this cannot be changed overnight, we will not see these changes tomorrow. We need leaders today. There will be a mix between the traditional leaders and the new ones. We don’t know yet who will have the power. According to who will get the power, the change will happen earlier or later. We don’t know yet how balanced the power will be. For the first four years after the elections, we are not sure what type of laws will be enforced. If there are more people who want a change, it will change quicker. After four years, as people will have some experience, they will have a better vision. They will be able to choose what is best for them. We do not plan for huge change after elections, its business as usual!”
- 144 The Northern Rakhine State is often qualified as an area where there humanitarian needs are acute (...)
Interview of a senior employee of a Christian faith based organisation, Interview by Daw May Myat Noe, Yangon, September 2010
Q.: How would political change happen?
A.: “With more and more youth and local NGOs, there will be a change one day. Young people have the will to change the system. During the NGOs meetings, I can see the difference. Before, only the twenty or so of the same faces could be seen, every time. Now, after Nargis, at least fifty people can be counted during these meetings. Presentations delivered during the local NGO meetings, they incorporate new ideas, and we actually have to learn from the youth”.
Q.: Please explain your own history and how you got involved in the NGO sector?
A.: “I am from a conflict affected area, in Eastern Burma. In my experience, conflict was somehow a good thing, as it enabled NGOs to enter there. Before, there was only the Church. Now, youth are more empowered. Before, during religious and social festivals, there was only one ethnic group, one religion. Now, thanks to the NGOs’ work, Buddhists, Animists, Roman Catholics and Baptists, we can understand each other much better. But because of the conflict, we cannot implement wherever we want. The education system deteriorated a lot, so the education level of the people decreased. People did not want to understand other realities or to accept each other. Because of that, conflict arose sometimes. In the early 2000s, due to armed conflict, entire villages have been displaced. It was very difficult for the communities. There are at least 4 or 5 different armed groups in this region, they do not want to unify as they are from different ethnic groups. They need more education but as they are in a remote location at the border, the government can’t and doesn’t want to develop these areas, and thus doesn’t provide education services. Sometimes when NGOs have a problem with the local authorities, it becomes very difficult to operate. You have to think of both sides: the government and the armed groups”.
Q.: Do you think the General Elections will have an impact?
A.: “The new government will come after the Elections. I think that the change will be positive. But, they need to educate the people. The change can have a big effect on the country. I am optimistic because I think the government’s ability to change depends on the NGOs. For example, in Maungdaw, Northern Rakhine State
144, I’ve heard that NGOs have opened the eyes of the government. There, the local communities called for NGOs. Now, NGOs are trying to become stronger. NGOs help each other and some of the NGO leaders have a vision, they are very capable, so I have hopes for the future”.
Q.: What do you think is different between NGOs in Myanmar and abroad?
A.: “The difference between NGOs here and in other countries is that there are more democratic systems elsewhere. Here, we have a lot of regulations”.
Q.: Could you witness changes after General Khin Nyunt’s (Secretary 1 and head of the Military Intelligence) fall in 2004?
A.: “We opened an office in the region in 1993. During the war near the Salween River, I helped internally displaced persons (IDPs) to move from their homes that were not safe anymore. In 2005, I got arrested when we shipped some unauthorised books through the border, after a training exercise on peace building abroad. All of the team was arrested. I was training a group of youth on the day the Special Branch came. I asked if I could come after 5 PM for the interview as I wanted first to finish my training session. They didn’t come back until the next afternoon. I had the time to be briefed by friends to know how to reply as they had already been interrogated. I only spent one night there, in the police station. The books, usually, are not a big deal. I was so relieved after my release. The pastor from my native town called me when I was there. I had so many feelings. I was so afraid. They read the books and saw that they were nothing. So they let us go. I felt so happy then. My friends worried a lot. I was told by the Special Branch: “If you do religion, do only religion and don’t do politics” and I was able to calm down. This was a somewhat great experience for me. When I came out from their office, I learnt that everyone have been praying for me, it was a nerve-racking time for my community. Those who prayed did so with a lot of strength. But some other people also said: “This woman is dangerous; she is going to destroy the country”. I heard about this. I know the mentality of these people. When the news spread in our office that I had been caught, some people hid all the papers related to our work. One of my colleagues, she trusted me. She said I was doing something on the behalf of God, so God will protect me. “I don’t worry” she said”.
Interview of a senior NGO employee, a Buddhist Chin, interview by Daw May Myat Noe, Yangon, September 2010
Q.: Please explain your own history and how you got involved in the NGO sector?
A.: “I worked as a civil servant for 14 years. When I studied my parents couldn’t afford it. So to get a scholarship, I had to sign a contract saying that I would work for 6 years for the government. At the end of the 1990s, I left this job. In 1998, there was ethnic movement; I participated in this ethnic movement. At this time in Yangon, there was an organisation for the literature and culture of ethnic groups. At that time The Myanmar Peace and Democracy Group and the Communist Party organised meetings between different ethnic groups. They had about eighty employees in Northern Myanmar. I supported this initiative. I was involved for several years, but it became a worry for my family, as these activities were not allowed by the government. So I promised my wife I would stop. So I quitted politics and engaged only in development. I took up a job in development. Now I work in micro-credit. This is an innocent sector so the government is not interested in it, if I could do something else, I would like to work in literature or education, as these are also safe sectors”.
Q.: Do you think the General Elections will have an impact?
A.: “Look at the situation of the paddy fields after Nargis. The soil is deteriorated, water salinity prevents cultivation. No shoot can grow on this soil now. It will take several heavy rains of the monsoon to get back to the fertility prior to the disaster. This is the same thing with the government. In 2010, it will be difficult, but better in 2015 when we will have learnt how the system works”.
Q.: What do you think is different between NGOs in Myanmar and abroad?
A.: “I trust in a grassroots approach to minimize the gaps between rich and power people. In each country, in each city, 75% are poor and only 25% are rich. So we have to work for the poor. In this country, it will be like this for the 10 next years. We need to understand how to revolutionise attitudes on ethnicity and religion. Because the people who govern use these two elements to divide us, so we need to find a way to cooperate between ethnics and religions”.
Q.: Could you witness changes after General Khin Nyunt’s fall?
A.: “Now, we have more doubts, because of the move of the capital, not because of Khin Nyunt’s fall. When ministers were in Yangon, we could ring them and meet in their office. Now, as many already moved to Nay Pyi Daw, many people who are left here do not know well the situation of NGOs. Some old people from the government didn’t want to go to the capital so they resigned. As a consequence, the people we used to deal with are not here anymore and things are complicated for us”.
47
These interviews illustrate the optimism of the NGOs, with all interviewees acknowledging the role to be played by NGOs in politics after the Elections. They also display a diversity of attitudes towards the central government. Ethnic and religious issues are not absent from concerns of the interviewees, but it seems that they are only a second priority, the first being to be able to manage some safe space with the government to remain operational. The positioning of the NGOs is said to be increasingly influential, some having affinities with opposition groups, others supporting government structures to improve services delivery. Nonetheless, both extreme positions are nuanced out of security concerns. So, as a sum, are the NGOs sustaining the regime or preparing its handover to new actors?
- 145 NGO employee, interview by the author, Yangon, January 2011.
“We don’t want to confront the SPDC. We don’t want to make any mistake to directly confront the government so we don’t want to say about our activities”. 145
- 146 Senior employee of ethnic based NGO, Interview by the author, January 2011, Yangon.
“We have this joke – when our prime minister comes somewhere to visit all signs of poverty are removed, flowers are planted, buildings are painted, etc. This is to show him the wealth of the place. So how could he know how bad are the living conditions for the people? How could he realise? So we have this joke: is it the government that is destroying the people or is it the people who are destroying the government?
The government is a product of our society. Should we consider our society as good? Or should we say it is a bad one as the government itself is bad? If the community is wealthy, well educated, people can have the capacity to think about governance. People inside the government will then also deserve trust. They could be good people, humanists. Actually, our society is not bad, but it’s not good enough. We need to change communities, if we can change their attitude; they will try to bring the government down and will install a new one to replace it. Today civil society is too weak to do so. We shall not only point the finger at our government and lay blame on it for all our problems. They are responsible, but so is the rest of society”. 146
- 147 Rakhine INGO employee in CENTER FOR PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES, Listening the Voices from inside: (...)
“Civil society needs to be politically motivated; they must have a political will”. 147
- 148 Kachin NGO employee, interview by the author, Yangon, January 2011.
“Don’t do a second Mae Sot! We shall not create another Mae Sot here in Yangon. All exiled Myanmar NGOs are based in Mae Sot in Thailand and they make other realities and other non-Kayin people are forgotten. I don’t want to see the centralisation of aid. This is playing the game of the Myanmar government. They’ve centralised everything. And now, we do the same. All aid just goes through Yangon. Why don’t NGOs have their headquarters in the states where they are from? Why is most of the money spent here and not reaching out of the city? This is just reinforcing their power. For example the Network for Free Elections, how could they be representative? They don’t even include ethnic people”. 148
48
NGOs act with respect to the regime’s face and want to work around the rigid system to change it, without confrontation. This is an unspoken agreement allowing their existence. As NGOs expanded within the politics of silence, they do not appear to have a concrete programme for the transition. They would attempt to facilitate it discreetly and be reactive when they identify new areas where they could influence the decisions.
49
Many civil society actors, in particular, feel that the space for social and, to a lesser extent, political activities are expanding. As political parties were not authorised to be vocal until the campaign of the 2010 General Elections, NGOs were previously in a position to offer a rare platform to promote political ideas and tested new and creative ideas. They also promoted a more open, positive attitude among the younger generation, encouraging them to be more hopeful for the future. They also called for national reconciliation and inter-faith as well as interethnic collaboration. Although these changes are tangible and some spread through various layers of the urban well-educated society, a huge majority of the general population remain disenfranchised. In addition, in recent years, NGOs have been under increasing suspicion for being more closely associated to the central government by exiled prodemocratic groups advocating for a quicker, more radical political change. If these NGO leaders were to become a formal political actor at the national level, the question of their legitimacy and credibility would surely be questioned by those groups in exile.
50
With the establishment of the new parliamentary system, including the regional parliaments, political decisions will not only be made at the highest level of the state anymore. A degree of decentralisation is expected. In this scenario, the role of NGOs, already more prominent in the ethnic states would more likely be amplified. If most of the NGOs understood this stake and are exploring the opportunities to expand their influence through dialogue and lobbying with the elected members of parliament, a minority of them could audaciously opt to get involved in civic education.
- 149 NGO employee, interview by the author, Yangon, January 2011.
51
An NGO employee who worked on civic education, discussing the NGOs’ role in the democratisation process, commented that: “At the moment, the main issue in Myanmar is governance. No organisation can tackle it directly. We can advocate to political parties. We did work through political parties to speak to the Parliament in order to bring changes. People get confused and they think that democracy is good governance. It’s wrong. Good governance is something else. People don’t know what civic education is. We are trying to raise awareness and also to increase the capacities of the political parties. But we don’t have a direct prospect. We should start from the bottom. If you target the top and the person sitting at the top is replaced, you have to start all your work again. You worked for nothing”.149 
- 150 This illustration shows the organisational chart of the new democratic system. At the top is the p (...)
Example of voters’ education in the media150 Source: ANONYMOUS, “2010
” [Voting for the 2010 elections], The Voice, “Political Voice”, August 9-15, 2010, p. 26
- 151 NLD is the visible Bamar opposition. Student groups were around and at the vanguard of opposition (...)
- 152 Letter to the Editor, “Independence: The Shan Herald Agency for News”, Shan Herald Agency for News(...)
52
The role of the traditional political opposition, centres around the National League for Democracy (NLD), is respected among the nonfaith-based Bamar NGOs. Long term committed NGO senior employees often had their first political experiences as part of the student movements.151 The NLD recently made public its focus on “social work”. The party reportedly supports very remote communities that do not have access to government services, in southern Chin State for example. But, as much as Daw Aung San Suu remains an iconic figure, the articulation of her party with the rest of the NGO community remains limited. She also recently recommended the formation of a Youth Group, the Bae Da Foundation. The following anecdote shows how this openly political motivated aid could create issues for other NGOs who are concerned about their security concerns while attempting to push the limits of the civil society space. “Military commanders frequently have the last say. This was in response to such concerns that Aung San Suu Kyi wrote to Mr. Gustave Speth, administrator of the UNDP, in January 1996, complaining of the discrimination that many citizens felt in gaining access to aid and, in the future, UN agencies should consider ways of implementing programs ‘in close co-operation with NLD;’ in this way, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi argued, UNDP would be working with the only organisation in Burma which, through the 1990 election results, had been shown to represent ‘the will of the people’”.152 - 153 NGO employee, interview by the author, Yangon, January 2011.
53
NGOs’ relations with international stakeholders are critical for NGOs to be heard and influence external perception on the political transition process. Support to NGOs has been a diplomatic tool for the Western governments’ foreign policies. The objective of grants and programmes to “support civil society” is generally to prepare a ground to the democratisation process. But a democratic system should, by definition, allow the majority to choose in the first place, and most of the embassies managing these grants are supporting NGOs representing ethnic, religious and political minority concerns. Donor attention is also generally directed the same few large scale NGOs. In addition the grantees’ actual agendas remain generally unknown to those who make the decision to fund them or not. They often took the risk to fund an opposition representing a marginal portion of the population, as if democratic ideas were a justification in itself. This strategy could result in “divide et impera”, preventing unity to avoid a strong, unified opposition. Root causes of conflicts among the different groups remain unaddressed. If these NGOs’ power grows without strong legitimacy from their peers, it might result in greater conflict sensitivity. In spite of a political transition that could be favourable to increasing their power, NGOs might lose some ground due to their tendency – both inside the country and exile groups abroad – to demonstrate a persistent inability to build an unified anti-authoritarian front, despite the presence of a common “enemy”; in absence of the latter, their capacity to compromise and work together would remain to be demonstrated. As noted by a senior employee working in an ethnic area: “We can provide education on peace but we hardly know peace ourselves, from interpersonal relations among the employees.”153 - 154 Timo KIWIMAKI and Morten B. PEDERSON, Burma, mapping the challenges…, op. cit., p. 102.
54
Finally, the more common NGO structures with one charismatic leader, in whose hands lies most of the power, tend to mirror those of the military government. With some behavioural similarities, these leaders demonstrate a limited potential to serve as driving forces for greater participatory structures. They hardly work together and conflicts between opposing NGO leaders are regular. Most Myanmar organisations are dominated by strong, charismatic leaders who generally take the decisions without participation of their colleagues. The NGO sector offers a rare opportunity for the pursuit of power by leaders, besides military, armed groups and recent political parties. As a consequence, NGOs are in some cases driven by the interests of authoritarian leadership rather than by the pure promotion of broader community interests. NGOs seem to be caught up in the typical lack of consensus that can be observed in the Myanmar political arena. “Political participation and debate is stifled by a seemingly systemic intolerance for diverging views. Even the NLD, whose stated objective is to work to spread democratic norms into society, has shown a disconcerting tendency to expel party members who disagree with the official line or act independently of the party leadership. This inability to accommodate, and work through, disagreements is also evident in negotiations between different organisations, which often turn confrontational, reflecting the unwillingness on all sides to compromise on maximalist positions”.154 If NGOs are to have a role to play in the transition in lobbying the members of parliament and ministry officers, they may find themselves too divided, and with little experience of democratic systems within their structures, may only be able to play the role of advisors. 
) means compassion in pali.
) means “Peace”. The previous name of the Shalom foundation was “Nyein”. It subsequently changed as this sounded too political and sensitive for the GoUM according to the interviewees.